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a government building housing the office of a chancellor

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Miliukov as the State Inventory of 1680 (Gosudarstvennaia rospis '1680 goda) (7) Calculating, based on this inventory, the balances of the city chancelleries, Miliukov concluded that the "overall size of the budget at the end of the 17th century did not exceed .
10) The Chancellery of the Great Revenue's own annual income, based on Fletcher's information, amounted to about 340,000 rubles, and together with monetary surpluses from the other chancelleries (the Military Service Chancellery alone gave the treasury up to 250,000 rubles), this administration accumulated up to 800,000 rubles: "All these [sources of income] bring into the office of bol'shoi prikhod [Chancellery of the Great Revenue] that which remaineth in their hand at the year's end, whence it is delivered into the emperor's treasury, so that the whole sum that groweth to this office of bol'shoi prikhod or the great income (as appeareth by the books of the said office) amounteth to 800,000 rubles a year or thereabouts.
In stating that this office collected about 800,000 rubles annually, Fletcher did not consider that the sum included money collected from the tax districts and other chancelleries.
This sum is quite unrealistic, especially if we recall that later the Military Service Chancellery had much more modest means and was constantly forced to request funds from other chancelleries for its needs.
Ultimately, Fletcher exaggerated the size of the budget of the Muscovite tsardom: the sum of the financial revenues of all the chancelleries, with the exception of the court administration (which was collected by the Chancellery of the Great Palace), amounted at the turn of the 16th-17th centuries to about 700,000 rubles.
26) Meanwhile, we know from 17th-century documents that the chancelleries always ended up with less money at the end of the year than foreign authors of the late 16th and early 17th centuries report.
Finally, we should take into account that the chancelleries did not simply transfer their remaining funds to the tsar's treasury at the end of the fiscal year, as if there were a general pool of state revenue.
Some of the few surviving account books of the Muscovite chancelleries (the Chancellery of the Treasury, the Military Service Chancellery, and those of the Vladimir, Novgorod, and Ustiug tax districts) of this period have been published.
Administrative continuity remained noticeably intact, though increasingly it became warped as pretenders, usurpers, Poles, and national liberators alike created chancelleries in order to realize their monarchical pretensions.
Liseitsev's conclusions are correct and corroborate those in my own dissertation on the chancelleries.
We have imbibed notions that the workhorses of the chancelleries, the state secretaries and clerks (pod'iachie)--to be sure, with some lapses--fastened on their duties with single-minded determination and an acquired technical virtuosity.
Liseitsev is clear that less prominent d'iaki shifting from one chancellery to another did not alter the hierarchical relations among chancelleries (278-84), although that finding does not assist in clarifying these earlier points.
In contrast, Rybalko's Rossiiskaia prikaznaia biurokmtiia v Smutnoe Vremia is mostly a handbook with detailed, cut-and-dried lists of chancelleries and their personnel.
Although she chronicles well the dissolution of successive chancellery regimes and the dispersion of many of their cadres to the next strongman, she does not underscore how all concerned regarded the chancelleries as indispensable to governmental operation, except at the death of Boris Godunov (121, 142, 198, 209, 254-55).
Expressed as ratios with the state secretaries constituting the numerator and clerks being the denominator, the percentages of the former to the latter working in the chancelleries were uneven: 72.