18) In light of the diverging sources, we cannot decide on whether Fongbe shows assibilation before palatal glide or not.
Although no examples are provided for *t and *d before *i, the discussion in Carlton implies that assibilation does not occur in this context.
Although no examples are provided for *t and *d before *i the discussion in Misra implies that assibilation does not occur in this context.
Significantly, /d/ does not change before suffixes that otherwise trigger assibilation of /t/, e.
For example in Woleaian (see [19c]) there was a diachronic process of assibilation that converted Proto-Oceanic *t into [s] before /i u e o/, as in (21) (Tawerilmang and Sohn 1984: 184): (22)
Tryon and Hackman (1983: 77) note that assibilation also affected Proto-Oceanic *t in the Solomon Islands languages (19e) Vaghua, Varisi, Ririo and Sengga (also known as Central-East Choiseul), all spoken on the island of Choiseul.
Though Lynch and Horoi (562) do not include any examples with [di] sequences, they do not mention any restriction against this sequence or an assibilation rule changing /d/ in this context, either.
In contrast to the assibilation in (25), Pope (1952: 129) notes that the same process did not affect/dj/.
Stop assibilation in German is illustrated with the data in (26) (from Hall 2004).
In these examples we can observe an assibilation of /t/ to [ts] before /j/.
Although Lahu (see [27b]) is one of the few languages in which labials assibilate (recall Section 2), this language has no process of assibilation in which the input is a coronal stop (Matisoff 1982).
Specifically, we show that assibilation is captured by ranking one or more markedness constraint ahead of a faithfulness constraint that militates against changing the feature [strident].
We also follow Clements in the assumption that this noise is reinterpreted by the speaker/listener as belonging to the preceding stop in cases of assibilation.
In Section 3, however, it was shown that voiced stops also undergo assibilation in a number of languages.