Presenting new empirical evidence from modern spoken Afrikaans and revisiting some well-known data from Dutch and German, I will argue that West Germanic languages share a designated antifocus position in which anaphoric destressing of definites has to be licensed morphologically.
Scrambling in a narrow sense, because I will only investigate here serialization patterns of adverbs and objects in two-place predicates (like the ones in [1a] and [1b]) within the West Germanic languages, (2) and scrambling in the broad sense, because I will consider pronominal fronting also to be an instance of this scrambling, a move usually not adopted in the literature (see, however, Lenerz 1993).
(12) Similar stress distributions can be observed in other West Germanic languages as well; see Reinhart (1996: 158f.) or Neeleman and Reinhart (1998: 344) for Dutch and for (somewhat different) Afrikaans data, section 3.
(10) It is believed that the morphology of the long-stemmed masculine i-paradigm was reorganised after the separation of Old English from the Continental West Germanic
dialect continuum, as these dialects preserved the long i-stem masculine type (Braune 1987: [section]214-216; Gallee 1993: [section]319-320), and after the onset of front mutation.
The greatest controversies concern the Tatian Gospel translation; a text which is used by Davis and Bernhardt in their book Syntax of West Germanic: The syntax of Old English and Old High German.
Bernhardt 2002 Syntax of West Germanic: The syntax of Old English and Old High German.
Denton (2003) examines the various effects of /r/ in early Germanic dialects and concludes that, whereas Proto-Germanic *r may have begun as an apical trill at least in onset positions, it was definitely weakened in postvocalic positions in North and West Germanic, developing approximant allophones.
The prevalent West Germanic value of inherited *r (an apical trill or tap prevocalically, a weakened approximant [[??]] finally and preconsonantally) was preserved most faithfully in Anglian (and perhaps Kentish).
The change *[eth] > d took place already in the West Germanic stage and was unconditioned; the fricative in the cluster *l[theta] was very early occluded (West Germanic) and the sequence appeared as ld in the very early stage, e.g., PGmc.
or West Germanic period, bringing about alternations of PGmc.
158) "The long ae in Old English spelling [vowel length is usually unmarked in OE spelling] represented two sounds: in certain words it stood for /a:/ in West Germanic
. It represents a close /e:/ outside the West Saxon area and remains /e:/ in ME (North-West Saxon [!] ded > ded; slepan > slepen).
It has been claimed that if any evidence for the Converse exists in Germanic, it must be looked for in the West Germanic subbranch, for reason of its very close correlation to West Germanic gemination, in particular the fact that gemination, regularly triggered by the presence of the following glide /j/ could be blocked whenever the consonant to be geminated was followed by the -ij-cluster.
West Germanic dialects in turn were viewed as least likely to display reflexes of the rule primarily due to multiple levelling developments, characteristic of this subbranch, activated in the majority of cases in exactly the same environment.
It is thus clear that the phoneme /e/ from West Germanic a was in use in both counties by the end of the Old English period.
However, it should be remembered that other forms using <e> have been recorded for this place-name in DB (see above) and in other medieval documents from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (Sundby 1963: 40), the later use of <a> in SR Holefaste 1327 presupossing an opening of Anglian e (from West Germanic a) in the root festen (with second fronting).