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  • noun

Words related to Capetian

a member of the Capetian dynasty

References in periodicals archive ?
Jordan, William Chester, and Jenna Rebecca Phillips, eds, The Capetian Century, 1214-1314 (Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 22), Turnhout, Brepols, 2017; hardback; pp.
While the Capetians run out of direct male heirs in the 14th century, the succeeding royal homes of Valois, Bourbon, and Orleans are all descended from the Capet male line.
LoPrete portrays Adela as particularly adept at balancing her family's alliance with the Anglo-Normans (especially after the ascension of her brother Henry to the English throne) while continuing to maintain good relations with the Capetians. Throughout the period, the counts of Blois-Charters found themselves forced to jockey for position with a number of other aspiring regional feudal powers, most notably the dukes of Normandy.
Her biographer, Agnes of Harcourt, came from an illustrious Norman noble family favored by the thirteenth- and early-fourteenth-century Capetians. She was probably born in the early 1240s and died around 1291.
And why were there no eunuchs at the courts of the Capetians, Tudors, Habsburgs, or Hohenzollerns?
Pauline's disdain for Arthur's unfitness coexists with no small amount of pride in the aristocratic origins of the Wyants, "as if they were the last of the Capetians, exhausted by a thousand years of sovereignty" (15).
Unceasing Strife, Unending Fear: Jacques de Therines and the Freedom of the Church in the Age of the Last Capetians. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005.
(20) The title of the painting involves a monarchist conception of the origins of the French state, since it refers to the election of Hugues Capet in 987 as the first in a continuous line of French kings down to the French Revolution of 1789--in this conception of the French state, we are all Capetians now.
(9.) See William Chester Jordan, The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last of the Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 105-27.
When the Capetians came to power in the late tenth century, the king was little more than a feudal lord, holding most of his power from his position as territorial lord.
However, when reaching the eastern frontier of Rus' (as Russia is correctly but perhaps over-pedantically called until Volume Seven), Serbia, and Albania, the thirty pages dedicated to them will be considered inadequate to those with an interest in the region; others would argue that even this is a generous allocation given that the Capetians receive barely five pages more, and this in a century dominated by France.
By the thirteenth century, competition had given rise to a reterritorialization of banal powers in the hands of a dozen still competing principalities, among which the Capetians emerged eventually victorious in France.(113) Although vassalic relations among the bigger conflict units (even the king of England remained nominally vassal to the king of France until the fifteenth century) still compromised an exclusive notion of territoriality, their significance receded to the degree that feudal services were successively replaced through the tax-office structure by more centralized states.
Henry IV's authority did not do a Cheshirecat vanishing like that of the early Capetians; it was smashed publicly by making him appear a tyrant and an enemy of God's church, and by preventing him from travelling outside a reduced set of heartlands.