Thus, this argument for continuity and succession should be seen within a tannaitic context (rather than as a later amoraic
(131) Material from the Tannaitic period can also be found throughout the discussions in the Babylonian and Jerusalem Talmuds, which, although they were compiled and redacted later in the Amoraic
period, preserve numerous stories, references, statements, and rulings of the various Tannaim.
It should be clear then that just as the amoraic
arguments produce different versions of tannaitic statements (Brava and Bnachman), so the arguments of rishonim necessarily constitute different versions of amoraim.
It is likely that the preceding paragraph in the haggadah, about telling the story at great length, a passage that cannot be dated earlier than the amoraic
period, led to a modification of the tale of the five rabbis.
According to Neusner, a shift from tannaitic to Amoraic
sources (and therefore times) can be noticed; 'Esau' and 'Edom' begin to function as appellation to Rome only in the later Rabbinic works, not in the early, Tannaitic, sources.
sources we note two interesting developments.
He knows that the earliest redaction of the sources postdates the New Testament and says that we cannot "trace and date developments with strict exactitude" (193), but he uses the materials rather freely, including Amoraic
29:7)." This prudent, support-the-status-quo counsel was reiterated by the rabbis in the Ethics of the Fathers (3:2), where they explained, in the name of the first century deputy High Priest, Rabbi Hanina, that one should "Pray for the welfare of the government, since but for the fear thereof men would swallow each other alive." Samuel, the Amoraic
leader of the Babylonian Jewish community at the time of the Sassanid conquest, went further, declaring it a religious principle that Jews should observe the law of the land as binding ("Dina De-Malkhuta Dina"), superseding, in some cases, even established Jewish law.(5) A gentile government of laws, even if it was an oppressive government, the rabbis believed, was superior to social chaos and anarchy.
For from Josephus(11) through the Amoraic
tradition,(12) Abraham leads men under the wings of the Shekinah through argumentation and debate.
Rabbi Joseph Karo (Israel, 16th century) in his commentary Kesef Mishne on Mishne Torah of Maimonides, claimed that Maimonides believed that the rabbinical prohibition against treating non-Jews refers only to those idolaters that lived when the injunction was given, e.g., in the Tanaaitic and Amoraic
It investigates various tannaitic and amoraic
sources, generally midrashic, that related to Egyptian religion, culture, language, and literature against their historical setting in the Greco-Roman world.
Twelve contributions address "...differences between the rabbinic Palestinian literature and its parallels in the Babylonian Talmud (Bavli)." A sampling of topics: source criticism and Talmudic passages about sorcery; the Babylonian Talmud's emphasis on demarcation of identity; the metamorphosis of a polemical amoraic
story; Progymnasmata and the evolution of a rabbinic genre; the metamorphosis of a narrative tradition and ways of acculturation; and Palestinian and Babylonian influences in the development of a legend.
It is also worth noting that in the older amoraic
literature of the Midrash (Gen.
In the Amoraic
period, as demonstrated by the emergence of the two Talmuds, two distinct communities began to take shape.
200 C.E., and that is the watershed between the Tannaic and the Amoraic
periods, so named after the Tannaim (sages whose teachings appear in the Mishnah) and the Amoraim (sages whose teachings appear in the Talmud but not in the Mishnah).