Curiously, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., in The
Age of Jackson, never mentions the Indian Removal Act.
One of those periods was the 1820s and 1830s, as described by Carl Lane in A Nation Wholly Free: The Elimination of the National Debt in the
Age of Jackson. Lane is a professor of history at Felician College in New Jersey, and he provides an engaging and detail-oriented account of fiscal policy in the early Republic.
In the latest volume of his study of American power, The
Age of Jackson and the Art of Power, William Nester argues that Jackson "dominated his age for many reasons but ultimately because he had mastered the art of power." Defining the art of power as "getting what he wanted, getting others to do what they would otherwise not do, preventing others from doing what they would otherwise do, and taking from others what they would otherwise keep," Nester argues that Jackson married essential elements of Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian ideas of power to create "Jacksonism," which transformed American power through "the assertion of overwhelming, brute force," which, in Nester's view, ultimately damaged the United States (p.
William Nestor's The
Age of Jackson and the Art of American Power, 1815-1848, poses as an objective historical analysis of Andrew Jackson's exercise of power as both general and president, but in reality is a mix of ideological judgments and political psychobabble.
Almost half a century after publication of The
Age of Jackson, Schlesinger was ready to concede that some of his conclusions about Jackson were, themselves, grounded in the political context in which he had worked.
Anderson has written a dense and erudite meditation on the ways in which Poe transformed and elevated the historical, cultural and personal material and events of this life into the brilliant fiction that seems to soar above the dull literary landscape of the
Age of Jackson. His favored word for this backdrop is "anthropocentric parochialism," a somewhat ambiguous term that gestures towards the way Poe, Anderson argues, was less fascinated by humanity than by the heady new realms of spiritualized scientific inquiry emerging during this period.
Merry, formerly editor in chief of Congressional Quarterly, tackles a compelling but largely uncharted era in American history: the flurry of western expansion that bridged the
Age of Jackson to the politics of the Civil War.
But the kids who manage people's wealth aren't going to lead us into a new
Age of Jackson or a second coming of the New Deal.
Over a career that spanned more than half a century, two-time Pulitzer Prize winner--The
Age of Jackson (1945) and the biography A Thousand Days: John F.
Historian James Loewen, author of Lies My Teacher Told Me, says that Schlesinger in his 1945 book The
Age of Jackson, should have taken Andrew Jackson to task for his policy of Indian Removal--but it wasn't even mentioned.
Schlesinger Jr.'s The
Age of Jackson (1945), its Pulitzer Prize notwithstanding, spoke much more to Schlesinger's own era, his adoration of New Deal policies and zeal for populist democracy, than to Jackson's political means or ends.
As George Roche has observed of the
Age of Jackson in his book The Bewildered Society: "The assault on economic privilege carried over from the banking struggle and came to include tariffs and subsidies.
Schlesinger, whose Pulitzer Prize-winning The
Age of Jackson Cameron had strongly supported, left the house after George Orwell's Animal Farm, which he'd brought in, was rejected by another editor.
Professor Sassi argues, against conventional wisdom, that the Congregational clergy influenced New England and American life into the
age of Jackson and beyond.
The brilliant young Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., who challenged the deeply held American myth of the classless society by identifying the class politics in the
Age of Jackson, went on to revive the Great Man delusion with a moving if near-hagiographic account of John F.